著者

中村 和之

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.186-168, 2021-02

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Completed in 1356, the "Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba" is an important historical source of the medieval history of the Ainu. In this book, the Ainu were referred to by the word ʻEzoʼ. There were three groups in ʻEzoʼ : Hinomoto, Karako, and Wataritō. Among them, the ʻKarakoʼ people have been regarded as a group that lived on the west coast of northern Hokkaido. In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Mongol Empire and the Yuan Dynasty invaded Sakhalin Island. In medieval Japanese, the group name ʻKarakoʼ can be translated as ʻthe children in Chinese attire and hairstyleʼ. The meaning can be explained by the relationship between northern Hokkaido and China.According to the records of Jesuit missionaries in the early 17th century, the place called Teshio on the west coast of northern Hokkaido was a trading hub with Sakhalin Island. And one example of Okhotsk type pottery made in the southern part of Sakhalin Island was found in ruins, dated to be after the 10th century, in Nayoro city in the inland area of northern Hokkaido. It is estimated that this Okhotsk type pottery was carried to Nayoro city via the Teshio River. At the mouth of the Teshio River, there is a large archaeological site of Satsumon culture. Thus, the mouth of the Teshio River was likely a hub for trade with Sakhalin Island from the 11th to the 17th centuries. The newly found evidence indicates the name ʻKarakoʼ originated from the close relationship between Teshio and Sakhalin Island.

著者

根本 千聡

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.164-139, 2021-02

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This paper has the aim of clarifying the transmission of Sino-Japanese lute (biwa/pipa) in the early Heian period (ninth century). In Japan, Fujiwara no Sadatoshi (807-867) has long been respected as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa music. He was a minor public servant, and crossed the sea in order to study the biwa as a member of the Japanese mission to Tang China in the Jōwa era (834-848). Sadatoshi did not go to Changʼan, the capital of Tang; however, a biwa master Lian Chengwu gave him lessons in biwa music at Yangzhou. The results of these lessons were compiled in the score Biwa sho-chōshi-hon (ʻVarious lute tuningsʼ) and brought into Japan. Nevertheless, in spite of Sadatoshiʼs great achievement, past studies have not investigated this aspect satisfactorily.The introduction explains background information and the significance of this study.The second section surveys the relation between Japanese musicians and the Japanese missions to Tang China. Ōto no Kiyokami (Yoshie no Kiyokami, ?-839) participated in this mission with Sadatoshi in the capacity of Onjōchō (Head Musician). He was the most outstanding Japanese composer and arranger, as well as superb flute player, of those times. But, according to Nihon sandai jitsuroku (ʻVeritable records of the three reigns of Japanʼ), on his way back to Japan, Kiyokamiʼs ship drifted to the southern seas, where he was killed by barbarians. Although he probably learned some new elements of Tang music, they were lost forever along with his life. This section considers what Kiyokami may have been bringing back, and, at the same time, examines Sadatoshiʼs arrangements of biwa performance based on his experience on the mission.The third section studies how Sadatoshi has been regarded as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa. Though several genealogies of the Japanese biwa tradition exist in Japan today, all of them have several doubtful points. For instance, despite Prince Sadayasu (870-924) being born after the death of Sadatoshi, they record that Prince Sadayasu was taught by Sadatoshi. It is thought that this problem arose from later efforts to bring the transmission historical authority.This section includes one more significant topic. There are perhaps six factors why biwa performance became extremely popular after the Jōwa era: first is the reorganization of biwa tunings by Sadatoshi; second is the delay in flute transmission due to Kiyokamiʼs death; third is the influence of Tang poetry; fourth is the beginning of instrumental performance by the Japanese nobility; fifth is Prince Sadayasuʼs interest in the piece Ōshōkun; and sixth is the influence of the sitting repertoire of the erbuji (ʻtwo kinds of musicʼ) of the mid-Tang.The fourth section reaches the following conclusion. Sadatoshi came to be respected as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa music not primarily because of his achievements, but due to a range of factors that combined to lead to his ʻdeificationʼ.

著者

堀 咲子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.75-112, 2020-03

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the relationship between Emil Helfferich (1878-1972) and Japan, focusing on Helferrichʼs work with Japanese at East Java, his experiences during his 1924 and 1940 visit to Japan. And also to introduce his private Japanese collection. Although Helfferich was not irrelevant to the National Socialists, the purpose of the proposed thesis is not to focus on any political views or theories, but examining various perspectives based on international Japanese studies.Emil Helfferich was born fourth of seven children from a merchant family in Neustadt in the former Land Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany. His eldest brother was Karl Helfferich, Vice Chancellor of the German Reich in the World War I and financial expert during the Weimar Republic.As a boy, Emil Helfferich dreamed of distant lands and a career in the navy of the newly risen German Empire. However, since the naval officer career remained closed because of a slight visual impairment, he chose another path in life as an overseas merchant to the delight of his father.His autobiography "Ein Leben" describes Helfferich and how he came to the profession of being a merchant. His main interest was not business and revenue related but adventuring and exploring distant lands. Thus he became an overseas trader. He had met a number of Japanese traders and business individuals when he visited East Java.His collaboration with Japanese merchants, expanded his field of activities to East Java and later to Central Java, bringing him into contact with Java sugar culture, but even more, opening up a new world for him, Japan later.He twice traveled to Japan, wrote about the journey and his impression of Japan in "Ein Leben".In 1970, Helfferich moved back to his hometown of Neustadt an der Weinstrasse at the age of 92, handing over his collection and library catalogued under Emil Helfferich collection.He died in 1972 at the age of 94 years. His noteworthy collection of East Asian Studies has been in the East Asian Institute of the University of Applied Sciences Ludwigshafen since 1997.His Japanese collections consisting of arts and publications. There are dozens of Japanese Arts, such as Hasui Kawase (1883-1957), Gyokusei Tsukioka (1908-1994), a daughter of Kogyo Tsukioka, and Seiho Takeuchi (1864-1942), Satsuma ware, Kakejiku (Japanese hung scroll). And also there are around 140 collection of books related to Japan, mostly published in the prewar period.According to Japanese newspapers at that time, Emil Helfferich was only expressed on his political perspectives. However, it is clear that he was not only that categorized person, but he was, in short, a trader who has explored the world, and as an oriental art collector.

著者

鈴村 裕輔

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.65-75, 2017-01

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Tōyōkeizai Shimpōsha, the publisher of one of the prominent economic journals in Japan the Tōyōkeizai Shimpō, started to publish a new English journal entitled The Oriental Economist (TOE) in May 1934. It was part of the memorial project for a 40th anniversary of Tōyōkeizai Shimpōsha. TOE had an important role to be a source of accurate information for all nations of the world regarding economic, political and social conditions in Japan and the Far East and to criticise world affairs from the standpoint of Eastern people and thus invite fair criticism from the Western public. It was a result of a presence of TOE's Chief Editor, Ishibashi Tanzan (1884-1973). Ishibashi who was the President of Tōyōkeizai Shimpōsha and the Chief Editor of the Tōyōkeizai Shimpō, and a famous economist with his advocacy for an international cooperation and economic liberalism aimed to give a fair and impartial view of economic conditions in Japan and the Orient, free from nationality race and creed. In this, paper we examined situations surrounding TOE before and after starting and Ishibashi's role and contribution to TOE.

著者

鄭 敬珍

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.231-256, 2017-01

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The Kenka gashū zu picture scroll is of great importance in analyzing the relationships between Japanese and Korean literati in the 18th century. The reason for this is that persons of letters and recorders who were Korean envoys in the Joseon mission to Japan of 1764 and the literati of Kyoto and Osaka including Kimura Kenkadō, the eminent person of literati of Osaka, socialized with each other; and commissioned and created picture scrolls amongst themselves. The Korean envoy and recorder Song Dae Jung commissioned the creation of the Kenka gashū zu to Kenkadō; and Kenkadō asked the monk Daiten Kenjō to write the letters in the title and the afterword, while seven literati from Kyoto and Osaka including Kenkadō himself contributed poetry. Using the Kenka gashū zu, this manuscript identifies the kind of literati world that the literati of both countries desired; and examines the implications held by the scroll.Firstly, I reviewed the chronology of the creation of Kenka gashū zu from records such as the Hyegūroku, and I inspected records written by the Korean literati after they had seen the Kenka gashū zu and after the Korean envoys returned to their country. Through the analysis of the pictures, Kenkadō was the name of a garden, and considering that this was another name of Kenkadō himself, I adopted the notion of the "Scroll of Another Name." I focused on its style and its relation to the Kenka gashū zu, as well as the features of the Kenka gashū zu in terms of its expression. Lastly, I suggest the possibility that the world depicted in the Kenka gashū zu is the embodiment of the paradise-on-earth co-occupied by the literati of both countries. I analyzed the actual refined gatherings, and at the same time, the idealized versions of such gatherings that occurred in the literati space, or the so-called paradise-on-earth shared by the client and creators (of the scroll). Accordingly, at the behest of the client Song Dae Jung, Kenkadō intentionally placed a peach tree in the scroll while faithfully depicting characters and places, and by doing so, this gave rise to the possibility that Kenkadō used the world in the Kenka gashū zu to resemble paradise-on-earth. In light of this, using the Kenka gashū zu, it could be said that what the literati of both countries shared (or had in common) was "hobbies or tastes of the literati." It can be said that the Kenka gashū zu has important implications as a document that explores the universality of East Asian literati culture during the mid-18th century. There is a possibility that the socializing that occurred among the literati from both countries mainly in Osaka in 1764 left us with an outcome that exceeded the work of the Korean envoys of the Joseon missions.

著者

小林 ふみ子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.59-63, 2017-01

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My essay in the title was published as a part of a book, Nihonjin wa Donoyouni Nihon wo Mitekitaka (How Japanese had been viewing Japan?, Yuko Tanaka (ed.), Tokyo: Kasamashoin, 2015), which was a part of the outcomes of our five years project based on this institute. A story that Ryukyuans was made disguised as Japanese was cited from a book titled Ryûkyû Neidaiki (A Chronicle of Ryûkyû), published in 1832 in the essay above without being found its origin. It turned out to be from a record of castaways from Satsuma (now Kagoshima pref.) to China in 1816, but the story seems to be extremely exaggerated in order to emphasize how Ryukyuans adored Japanese in the imagination of Japanese of the day.